Dalit Phenomenon: Politics of Identity

All round liberation going beyond the humanistic approach does not figure in any of the shades of Dalit identity politics, asserts Dr. Sarabjit Singh as he discusses the formation of Dalit identity and politics associated with it.

Dalit phenomenon is constantly flowing through Indian social system from centuries. This is so complex that one is satisfied by neither a particular reasoning nor can one get enough information from that. The arguments proffered from mythological point of view are not much scientific or acceptable. There are so many contradictions when we see it from historic angle. Secondly in present times there are so many other problems too in' caste identity'. For example the meaning of this phenomenon change with local, religious, cultural, national, lingual and international equations. In Indian context to differentiate Dalit from casteism is not only impossible but very complex and dangerous also.
The available studies and analyses show that change in the classification within the castes and change in social status due to change in position of this classification does not allow a formation of any straight line. In international context, the term Dalit expands from casteism to racialism. Then there is the problem of suitable terminology while defining it, whether to call it 'Dalit' or 'Subaltern'. These problems are enough to make it very complicated. It's paradoxical that without analyzing it from ideological or anthropological point of view, the ruling classes or powerless political sections have distorted the situation further.
Various movements in Indian society and Indian philosophy have advocated humanistic approach towards Dalits but didn't allow for all-round liberation. The Gurmat movement in Punjab and Sufi movement, despite maintaining rebellious stance, preaches the morality of nice behaviour towards this oppressed man. The limitations of this preaching are implied in these movements' basic engagement was to tear apart the moral hypocrisy of the rival religions and form such a value system, in which this man would attain equality. The result can be seen practically in Sikh religion, followers of which consider these people secondary or of second class even today. Thus most movements have tried that the issue of separate identity, status, value system, liberation of the independent identity of life-style of Dalit, from whom every right to self-determination has been snatched, is self-absorbed.
For a Dalit the core issue has been of his politicization. In the tradition of Indian medieval period also the efforts in this regard can not be seen beyond their semantics. That is why we perceive humanism of good-behaviour as parallel system. By doing so we establish the text of Dalit tradition of medieval period as a discourse of Dalit liberation. It's true that it has humanistic sympathy for the Dalit but does not have discourse of liberation because liberation is associated with politicization. A political movement for Dalit or any rich tradition is almost absent from the medieval period.
The identity of Dalit and the politics of identity starts taking shape in the period of British imperialism that creates different ideological scenarios. Ad Dharm movement is the first movement that takes up the issue of dalit identity and liberation in an organized way with certain ideological strategy. Mangu Ram Meghowalia and Gadar movement make the identity of Dalit movement more explicit and political direction clearer. After that Baba Bhim Rao Ambedkar and now politics in the name of Dalit identity call for a detailed study. Here it's possible to discuss all this in brief only.
The periodical Chand (Untouchable-Special Edition-1927) makes it clear that the Dalit individual has become a victim of so many complexes that he has forgotten his own identity and he has accepted the identity given to him by the oppressor class. He has not only accepted this identity as the celebration of slavery but is enjoying it, in fact. These kinds of issues have been taken up by Mahadevi Verma also in her essay 'Position of Women in New Century'. One stage of the politics of Dalit identity is of pre-independence and the other is post-independence. Prior to independence the independence of country was of more importance than politics of identity. This has become more burning and deeper after independence.
It is important to look at some of the reasons behind this. Firstly what were those internal and external situations that gave birth to the politics of Dalit identity. It's important to understand the rationale of this politics to understand this. After independence the rise of national bourgeoisie is not straightforward. This was made possible with a specific project. It is important to understand the five-year plans of Jawaharlal Nehru. What the backward sections get out of the development projects puts them on the way to economic prosperity and they inch towards the bigger issue of awareness and understanding of their rights also. This transforms into political consciousness of this section. Professional employees organizations organized on these lines are important in this regard. One other external reason is that the Communists could never understand these sections as consciously as it should have been . Instead they kept on believing in the pre-determined concept that class differences would eventually disappear. The ruling class could not recognize them as more than a vote-bank ever. This is a grotesque phenomenon of the democratic system of this weak capitalism that they take to using these identities in their fascistic and communal forms, instead of separate identity and self-determination of nationalities. This can not be ignored in the Indian politics of the last decade or so.
In the present times Dalit politics or the politics of dalit identity is getting its all from this corrupt bourgeois value system. There is no project of the all round Dalit liberation in the programs of the political parties associated with it. They lack any clear policy or political programme which can provide a parallel model of social justice for dalits.
In fact in the name of dalits, it is providing security to a section that is fundamentalist, comprising of fascist elements. By making caste politics the politics of identity it is following the way of present bourgeois political parties. Our society indulges in the politics of this political identity. This politics has done in the corridors of power exactly what bourgeois politics does.
mainly there are three layers of the politics of dalit identity in the present times. The political and ideological equation of the inner conflicts, struggles and tensions in these three layers is separate matter.
First layer is organizing the Dalit with political consciousness through the caste factor. It is present in almost whole country with minor differences. This is attracting ordinary Dalit by making an issue of the oppression and exploitation in the name of casteism in the past. This casteist politics is more dangerous and oppressive.
Second layer is of political section with Brahminical mentality whose main motive is to make Dalits serve their purpose by whipping up their desires. This section wants to keep Dalit won over through the assurance of security while keeping him tied to sub-conscious of insecurity. This is an issue of such an ideological knottiness that Dalit stays embroiled in the web of dependence on the other.
Third layer is that which does not use Dalit but links the politics of Dalit to his liberation. This liberation is, in fact, linked to all those deprived sections, which is not single layered. Though, this creates a paradigm by linking the discourse of human liberation with economics, it does not envision liberation of a dalit human, unattached to proletariat. This third side is weak in the present scenario, but in future this can become the basis of authentic identity politics.

(The article appeared in print version of Punjab Panorama)